Labor Zionism () is the left-wing, socialism variant of Zionism. For many years, it was the most significant tendency among Zionists and Zionist organizations, and was seen as the Zionist faction of the historic Jewish of Eastern Europe and Central Europe. Labor Zionism eventually developing local movements in most countries with sizable Jewish populations. Unlike the "political Zionist" tendency founded by Theodor Herzl and advocated by Chaim Weizmann, Labor Zionists did not believe that a Jewish state would be created by simply appealing to the international community or to powerful nations such as the United Kingdom, Germany, or the former Ottoman Empire. Rather, they believed that a Jewish state could only be created through the efforts of the Jewish working class making aliyah to the Land of Israel and raising a country through the creation of a Labor Jewish society with rural Kibbutz and Moshav, and an urban Jewish proletariat.
Major theoreticians of the Labor Zionist movement included Moses Hess, Nachman Syrkin, Ber Borochov, and Aaron David Gordon; and leading figures in the movement included David Ben-Gurion, Golda Meir, and Berl Katznelson. Labor Zionist parties, most notably Mapai and its successor, the Israeli Labor Party, dominated Israeli politics during the state's first three decades.
rect 167 83 445 250 Hapoel Hatzair rect 450 88 717 265 Non Partisans rect 721 86 995 243 Poale Zion rect 152 316 373 502 HaPoel HaMizrachi rect 552 328 884 512 Ahdut HaAvoda rect 891 301 1111 534 Poalei Zion Left rect 283 519 668 928 Mapai rect 5 665 169 1432 HaOved HaTzioni rect 697 747 918 953 Ahdut HaAvoda Movement rect 755 977 959 1234 Ahdut HaAvoda Poalei ZIon rect 775 1265 1136 1444 Mapam rect 966 1023 1232 1217 HaShomer Hatzair Workers' Party rect 1044 572 1228 766 Hashomer Hatzair rect 942 769 1177 919 Socialist League of Palestine rect 387 1275 734 1447 Mapai rect 365 1260 174 1447 HaPoel HaMizrachi rect 36 6 1225 81 Labor Zionism
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The Bar Giora and Hashomer were Jewish self defense organizations to protect Jewish communities who were settling in Palestine. The Bar Giora was the first, and later absorbed into Hashomer. Their establishment was in response to Arab nationalism, that they believed would ultimately lead to clashes with the Palestinian Arabs. They believed that they were the first line of defense against Arab dissent, and wanted to establish a working class in Palestine. Hashomer then became the Haganah, which was the first official military organization in Israel, which was then turned into the IDF.
By the 1930s, the Labor Zionist movement had substantially grown in size and influence, and eclipsed "political Zionism" both internationally and within the British Mandate of Palestine. Labor Zionists predominated among many of the institutions of the Yishuv, particularly the trade union federation known as the Histadrut. The Haganah, the largest Yishuv paramilitary, was a Labor Zionist organization. It occasionally participated in military action (such as during The Saison) against certain radical right-wing Jewish political opponents and militant groups, sometimes in cooperation with the British Mandate administration.
Ber Borochov, continuing from the work of Moses Hess, proposed the creation of a socialist society that would correct the "inverted pyramid" of Jewish society. Borochov believed that Jews were forced out of ordinary occupations by gentile hostility and competition, using this dynamic to explain Jewish professionals' relative predominance, rather than workers. He argued that Jewish society would not be healthy until the inverted pyramid was righted, and a substantial number of Jews became workers and peasants again. This, he held, could only be accomplished by Jews in their own country.
Jonathan Frankel in his book Prophecy and Politics: Socialism, Nationalism, and the Russian Jews, 1862–1917, states that after 1905, Dov Ber Borochov, a Marxist Zionist and one of the pioneers of the Labor Zionist movement suddenly rejected voluntarism for determinism. Prior to this, Borochov regarded Palestinian colonialization as a preparatory mission to be carried out by an elite vanguard of pioneers; he developed a theory after the revolution of 1905 that indicated how inevitable Palestinian colonization by the Jewish masses was.
Another Zionist thinker, A. D. Gordon, was influenced by the völkisch ideas of European romantic nationalism, and proposed establishing a society of Jewish peasants. Gordon made a religion of work. These two figures (Gordon and Borochov), and others like them, motivated the establishment of the first Jewish collective settlement, or kibbutz, Degania Alef, on the southern shore of the Sea of Galilee, in 1909 (the same year that the city of Tel Aviv was established). Deganiah, and many other that were soon to follow, attempted to realize these thinkers' vision by creating communal villages, where newly arrived European Jews would be taught agriculture and other manual skills.
Joseph Trumpeldor is also considered to be one of the early icons of the Labor Zionist movement in Palestine. When discussing what it is to be a Jewish pioneer, Trumpeldor stated: Trumpeldor, a Socialist Zionist, died defending the community of Tel Hai in the Upper Galilee in 1920. He became a symbol of Jewish self-defense and his reputed last words, "Never mind, it is good to die for our country" (En davar, tov lamut be'ad artzenu אין דבר, טוב למות בעד ארצנו), became famous in the pre-state Zionist movement and in Israel during the 1950s and 1960s. Trumpeldor's heroic death made him not only a martyr for Zionists Left but also for the Revisionist Zionist movement who named its youth movement Betar (an acronym for "Covenant of Joseph Trumpeldor") after the fallen hero.
Albert Einstein was a prominent supporter of both Labor Zionism and efforts to encourage Jewish–Arab cooperation. Fred Jerome in his Einstein on Israel and Zionism: His Provocative Ideas About the Middle East argues that Einstein was a Cultural Zionist who supported the idea of a Jewish homeland but opposed the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine "with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power." Instead, he preferred a bi-national state with "continuously functioning, mixed, administrative, economic, and social organizations." "Einstein and Complex Analyses of Zionism" Jewish Daily Forward, July 24, 2009 In the November 1948 presidential election Einstein supported former vice-president Henry A. Wallace's Progressive Party, which advocated a pro-Soviet foreign policy – but which also at the time (like the USSR) strongly supported the new state of Israel. Wallace went down to defeat, winning no states. "Albert Einstein was a political activist" Jewish Tribune,14 April 2010
Although each party formed its own newspaper, neither compelled its contributors to pursue its own line of thinking. On the contrary, Ha-ahdut (The Unity) newspaper of Poale Zion, and still more, Hapoel Hatzair, represented the highly individualistic, disorganized and even anarchic essence of the second Aliya in their pages.
The Poale Zion-based party had a left wing and a right wing. In 1919 the right wing, including Ben-Gurion and anti-Marxist non-party people, founded Ahdut HaAvoda. In 1930 Ahdut HaAvoda and Hapoel Hatzair fused into the Mapai party, which included all of mainstream Labor Zionism. Until the 1960s these parties were dominated by members of the Second Aliyah.Z. Sternhell, 1998, The Founding Myths of Israel,
The Left Poale Zion-based party ultimately merged with the kibbutz-based Hashomer Hatzair, the urban Socialist League and several smaller left-wing groups to become the Mapam party, which in turn later joined with Shulamit Aloni’s Ratz to create Meretz.
The Mapai party later became the Israeli Labor Party, which for a number of years was linked with Mapam in the Alignment. These two parties were initially the two largest parties in the Yishuv and in the first Knesset, whilst Mapai and its predecessors dominated Israeli politics both in the pre-independence Yishuv and for the first three decades of Israel's independence, until the late 1970s.
+ Electoral performances of Labour Zionist and Workers' Parties | ||||||||||
1931 | 43.5 (# 1) | new | rowspan=2 | rowspan=2 | rowspan=2 | rowspan=2 | rowspan=2 | rowspan=2 | ||
1944 | 36.5 (# 1) | 37 | ||||||||
1949 | 35.7 (# 1) | 18 | 14.7 | 1 | ||||||
1951 | 37.3 (# 1) | 1 | 12.5 | 4 | 5 | |||||
1955 | 32.2 (# 1) | 5 | 7.3 | 4 | 11 | |||||
1959 | 38.2 (# 1) | 7 | 7.3 | 7 | ||||||
1961 | 34.7 (# 1) | 5 | 7.5 | 5 | ||||||
1965 | 36.7 (# 1) | 3 | 6.6 | 1 | 2 | |||||
1969 | 46.2 (# 1) | 11 | ||||||||
1973 | 39.6 (# 1) | 5 | 2.2 | 3 | ||||||
1977 | 24.6 (#2) | 19 | 6 | |||||||
1981 | 36.6 (#2) | 15 | 2.9 | 5 | 4 | |||||
1984 | 34.9 (# 1) | 3 | 5.1 | 3 | ||||||
1988 | 30.0 (#2) | 5 | 8.5 | 2 | rowspan=2 | 1 | ||||
1992 | 34.65 (#1) | 5 | 9.58 (#3) | 2 | 7 | |||||
1996 | 26.83 (#1) | 10 | 7.41 (#5) | 3 | 13 | |||||
1999 | Part of One Israel | 11 | 7.66 (#4) | 1 | 10 | |||||
2003 | 14.46 (#2) | 5 | 5.21 (#6) | 4 | rowspan=3 | 9 | ||||
2006 | 15.06 (#2) | 3.77 (#9) | 1 | 1 | ||||||
2009 | 9.93 (#4) | 5 | 2.95 (#10) | 2 | rowspan=2 | 7 | ||||
2013 | 11.39 (#3) | 2 | 4.55 (#8) | 3 | 5 | |||||
2015 | Part of Zionist Union | 4 | 3.93 (#10) | 1 | 3 | |||||
Apr 2019 | 4.43 (#6) | 13 | 3.63 (#9) | 1 | 14 | |||||
Sep 2019 | 4.80 (#9) | 1 | Part of the Democratic Union | 1 | 2 | |||||
2020 | Part of Labor- Gesher-Meretz | 2 | Part of Labor- Gesher-Meretz | 2 | ||||||
2021 | 6.09 (#6) | 4 | 4.59 (#12) | 3 | 7 | |||||
2022 | 3.69 (#10) | 3 | 3.16 (#11) | 6 | 9 |
Already in the 1920s the Labor movement disregarded its socialist roots and concentrated on building the nation by constructive action. According to Tzahor its leaders did not "abandon fundamental ideological principles". However, according to Ze'ev Sternhell in his book The Founding Myths of Israel, the labor leaders had already abandoned socialist principles by 1920 and only used them as "mobilizing myths".
The middle class allowed itself the freedom to stand aside and avoid involvement in the political life of the Yishuv and the Zionist movement. Because nationalist socialism in Palestine did not pose a threat to the private sector, the middle class never felt the need for a united political organization parallel with the Histradrut or for the formulation of an alternative to Labor's ideology.
In the 1930s, Jews living in the United States facing various assimilation issues and restrictions as well as widespread poverty in the general population, were influenced by Labor Zionism's socialist ideals. Jews in New York during the Great Depression were attracted to the socialism echoed in the liberalism of Roosevelt New deal. Beth Wenger, illustrates the reactions of Jewish women to the economic downturn, their contribution to the family economy, and the general tendency to adhere only to the style of a wage-working husband in the American middle class. Deborah Dash Moore describes in her book "At Home in America" how the generation influenced by such socialist ideals reconstructed Jewishness, molded it to suit the American middle-class model, adapted it to the rigors of urban life, imbued it with Jewish feelings learned from their immigrant parents, and added it to the Jewish history chain.
Following the 1967 Six-Day War several prominent Labor Zionists created the Movement for Greater Israel which subscribed to an ideology of Greater Israel and called upon the Israeli government to keep and populate all areas captured in the war. Among the public figures in this movement associated with left-wing nationalism were Rachel Yanait Ben-Zvi, Yitzhak Tabenkin, Icchak Cukierman, Zivia Lubetkin, Eliezer Livneh, Moshe Shamir, Zev Vilnay, Shmuel Yosef Agnon, Isser Harel, Dan Tolkovsky, and Avraham Yoffe. In the 1969 Knesset elections it ran as the "List for the Land of Israel", but failed to cross the electoral threshold. Prior to the 1973 elections, it joined the Likud and won 39 seats. In 1976 it merged with the National List and the Independent Centre (a breakaway from the Free Centre) to form La'am, which remained a faction within Likud until its merger into the Herut faction in 1984.
Other prominent Labor Zionists, especially those who came to dominate the Israeli Labor Party, became strong advocates for relinquishing the territory won during the Six-Day War. By the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, this became the central policy of the Labor Party under Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. What distinguishes Labor Zionism from other Zionist streams today is not economic policy, an analysis of capitalism, or any class analysis or orientation, but its attitude towards the Israeli–Palestinian peace process with modern Labor Zionists tending to support the Israeli peace camp to varying degrees. This orientation towards Israel's borders and foreign policy has dominated Labor Zionist institutions in recent decades to the extent that socialist Zionists who support a Greater Israel ideology are forced to seek political expression elsewhere.
In Israel the Labor Party has followed the general path of other governing social-democratic parties such as the British Labour Party and is now fully oriented towards supporting a capitalist model, and some factions support centrist policies akin to the Third Way, though in the 2010s it has returned to a more social-democratic outlook under the leadership of Shelly Yachimovich and Amir Peretz.
Shlomo Avineri, member of the last Labor government, Israeli political scientist, Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has written on Hegel and translated some of Marx’s early writings recognizes that Zionism is “the most fundamental revolution in Jewish life” and stresses the revolutionary aspect of Zionism. In The Making of Modern Zionism: The Intellectual Origins of the Jewish State, he believes it as a permanent revolution that aims for a radically different and more just society in Israel after creating a new normative and public focus for Jewish Existence. He is out to challenge Zionism's consensus view as a religiously inspired movement sparked by outbreaks of anti-Semitism and to create a rich, diverse intellectual lineage important to the movement today.
In Israel, Labor Zionism has become nearly synonymous with the Israeli peace camp. Usually, Labor Zionist political and educational institutions activists are also advocates of a two-state solution, who do not necessarily adhere to socialist economic views.
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